Here’s something that I’ve been thinking about since I came back from the COIN Leaders’ Conference last week. This post is going to get defense-wonky really fast, so here’s your fair warning.
Earlier this year, the Army chief of staff, Gen. George Casey, began to speak of an "era of persistent conflict" as the paramount strategic fact of America’s current geopolitical. And the more I think about it, the less I find the concept to be useful. On the surface, you think you know what it signifies: lots of wars that implicate U.S. interests occurring for the forseeable future. But this obscures more than it reveals.
Most importantly: what kinds of wars characterize an era of persistent conflict? This isn’t just a semantic question. It’s a question with doctrinal implications for warfighting, since you have to prepare your military for the sorts of wars you envision as characterizing the current strategic picture. Are we talking about more Iraqs and Afghanistans? Well, evidently not, since the new Army field manual on stability operations explicitly discounts that prospect. But if not, then are we talking about Philippine/Malaysia/Indonesia-style interventions, where we send training and advisory forces to far-flung areas for the purposes of helping allies defeat internal rebellions? If so, three propositions arise: first, we really should create an advisory corps within the Army, as John Nagl wants; second, that goes a long way toward saying that the traditional purposes of the Army, offensive and defensive operation, aren’t primary anymore; and third (to shift emphasis to the strategic), what national interests are truly at stake if we’re talking about these being our primary areas of conflict? Intervention in the Philippine counterinsurgency is purely elective — we could pull up stakes tomorrow and witness no significant impact upon U.S. national security. Through that prism, one man’s Era Of Persistent Conflict is another man’s Era Of Persistent Peace.
Perhaps we’re talking about an era of pick-and-mix conflict, like at a movie theater candy counter. Everything from great-power war to elective support to counterinsurgency is on the table. If so, then we’re talking in abstract terms about a bevy of hypotheticals that always exist. On that definition we can hardly say we’re in a new "Era." From a doctrinal perspective, I can see the wisdom in preparing for all contingencies, but that’s about the most virtue I can locate within the concept.
The question then becomes whether there’s actual harm done by it. And there I’m not honestly sure. Lots of slippery concepts exist; we’re not materially harmed by most of them. I can think of one circumstance in which harm is done: we view the world as particularly or newly dangerous for the forseeable future for reasons we’re unable to articulate, thereby skewing national priorities and leading to an astrategic focus to national security that hastens the decline of American power that the concept seeks to prevent. But that doesn’t lead inexorably from a concept of an era of persistent conflict. It’s possible that the second definition prevails, and our Army becomes more like, say, Australia’s — primarily used for assistance in a regional conflict, rarely for centrality in major war-fighting. (Apologies to the Aussies if I’ve misunderstood your national posture, but this is how it appears from Washington D.C.) That, I suppose, wouldn’t be terrible, provided it wouldn’t invite attack from a superior adversary.



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Spencer:
Did you see C-Span yesterday? Col. Mansoor was on. It was taped, but he was speaking in front of the WAC(World Affairs Council) of Houston. Interesting stuff. He didn’t basically said that L. Paul Bremer was a know nothing douchenozzle. It also led me to have a greater respect for Petraeus(if in fact the stuff Monsoor described was at the behest of Petraeus). The whole Hugh Hewitt interview thing still leaves a bad taste in my mouth though.
Spencer, your post reinforces the argument that military men should keep their noses out of foreign policy. Do we really need these guys picking our enemies?
“Everything from great-power war to elective support to counterinsurgency is on the table. If so, then we’re talking in abstract terms about a bevy of hypotheticals that always exist.”
Shouldn’t the military always be preparing for new and emergent conflicts while focusing on all the possible future conflicts?
In the COIN article one of the officers said “We won’t have time to focus on [blank] if we focus on [blank].”
Maybe I’m overestimating our military, but can’t soldiers train for multiple contingencies at a time?
I know it was hard work for my high school football team to focus on all the possible formations and plays, but, we still did it and were pretty good at it. (I know that’s a simplistic analogy, but it’s not completely out of left field, is it?)
Cliff105 — and yet at the same time, state dept. needs the feedback of defense in order to do an effective job, and they both need to have some respect for and ability to collaborate and cooperate with each others roles as government entities. This era of running state and defense via corporatist ideology is part of the underlying problem; if every conflict is viewed as a potential profit center, of course there will be no end and persistent conflict. Rather like rolling out a new product every damned quarter.
That’s the missing part of the equation. Conflicts are looked at as permanent campaign opportunities, and neither military nor state should be used for campaign purposes.
You’ve missed the whole point. When the Army says “era of persistant conflict” what they mean is “era of persistant budget increases”. They’re even fairly explicit about it.
era of persistant conflict = era of consistant promotions
Let’s go even further. We create our cultures, we create our political and economic institutions with every choice we make in these areas, and those involved in the military create those institutions with their every choice.
Somewhere between 1946 and 1951, the American military and intelligence institutions stumbled into an imperial culture, and they’ve been dragging the rest of us along into their nightmare ever since. When I was child in the 1950’s and all our parents had been the 20-year-olds in the war, we could pretend it was fairly benign … yet with the counterattack of the plutocrats in the Carter Presidency and their triumph of Reaganism, and then morphing into the total corruption of the military- industrial- Congressional- media elites into an imperial class under Bush-Clinton-Bush II, it clearly has become cancerous to the planet. The industrial-media corruption links in themselves, for example, have so far prevented any progress away from the oil/auto economy.
So what do we now create for future? The question of the ages is, is Obama totally compromised by the military-media establishment (whose philosophy he had to embrace to navigate the media to get elected) and can we the people lead him and our still-retrograde Congress to newer and better choices that allow the creation of a world based on cooperation rather than conflict — as FDR fully intended, and might have worked harder at creating if he had lived past April 1945.
The signing of the China-Taiwan improved-ties agreements is a huge symbolic step, which may hopefully help remove one of the major stumbling blocks in our efforts to build a world not characterized by conflict and expectations of conflict. (Of course problems will always exist, yet adults can negotiate them, and must if we are to survive the 21st Century as species, rather than kill and war over them.)
I also like Kenya declaring a national holiday. The son of a Kenyan can become the world-imperator !!! Here in the United states, the challenge for progressive blog-heads is to actually organize a political institution that will fight to educate and eventually cure America of the need to have an imperial foreign policy. I’ve been talking about this for a year, and I have a record of relatively successful political organizing, I guess it’s up to me to do it …
I also meant to say, in my third para. above, that we’ll know much more about how compromised Obama is by the military-industrial-media “stupidity” complex, and what that will mean for our progressive response, in about six months or so.
Our non-major warfighting position being somewhat dictated by having less than 45000 army troops to field, all in.
We’ve got some historical ties to PNG/West Papua, but apart from that our military roles are really dictated by a perceived responsibility for regional stability, in a vacuum of other interested assistance forces.
US could do far more in this role for obvious reasons, not least of which that you have far more specialist advisers available to field. That’s already been done though and I’d question whether there’s enough call for it to really make a difference from what’s done now. Beyond that, there could be a huge capability for an expansion of assistance missions to reap all kinds of benefits, particularly how the face of US forces is perceived today.
Ain’t like there’s any shortage of work…
http://www.bombharvest.com/synopsis.html