With a new Pakistani military response to Taliban advances underway, Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Michele Flournoy goes before the House Armed Services Committee this afternoon to discuss what military training and aid in counterinsurgency the U.S. is offering that the Pakistanis will accept. Working with a proud and powerful institution like the Pakistani Army is much, much different than the U.S. training and mentoring efforts that the U.S. has had in Iraq and Afghanistan. Julian Barnes has a good piece in the Los Angeles Times about the initial partnering difficulties:
"They [the Pakistani military] are struggling to come to grips with the fact that the threat is really within and it is really a threat they helped build and now it has turned against them," the senior Defense official said.
Although it is not clear what Mullen offered Kayani, he did outline Washington’s plans to dramatically ramp up aid.
"The message has been consistent: We are ready to help in any way you think we can," the military officer said.
The state of things right now is that the Pakistanis appear to want the U.S. to provide it with equipment, like helicopters, night-vision goggles, light weaponry. That’s not necessarily inappropriate, since, as Barnes notes, the Pakistani military has a whole lot of heavy stuff that’s more useful to fighting India’s big military than for conducting counterinsurgency operations. But it’s also insufficient, since the U.S. has a number of counterinsurgency-experienced officers who can train the Pakistanis in best practices for how to use all this stuff. And the Pakistanis don’t appear so eager to expand the 70-dude U.S. trainer contingent. So what assurance will the U.S. have that Pakistani units are using the stuff we’d provide them the right way? That’s not to say that increased U.S. trainers guarantees a better outcome, but providing equipment alone guarantees much less.
Crossposted to The Streak.



2 Comments
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There have previously been reports of ISI soldiers “losing” NVGs and then Taliban fighters being found with them. Just giving Pakistan technology will not work. However, I don’t think we have enough troops to fully train the Pakistani Army in counterinsurgency operations – especially since our own Army is just learning how to do it. We could help train them (a little), but there is another problem that will be unearthed during the training: Pakistani soldiers don’t want to fight the Taliban. Pakistan is faced with allying themselves with the U.S., who they feel will just leave the region eventually, and if they do this, then they will have to deal with both the Taliban and India. They feel that they will be left with a $*%t sandwich.
What I don’t understand is why we have not attempted to hold talks between India and Pakistan. To me that should be a priority for this administration. Doing so could bring together one stable democracy, one not-so-stable democracy, and, if successful, free up 300,000 Indian troops from Kashmir and Pakistani troops on the border with Kashmir (where Pakistan sends its best troops to anyway; that is the border conflict they are prepared for and soldiers long to fight in). Pakistan is being pulled in two directions – the North-West Provinces and India – and frankly, they view their fellow Sunnis in the Taliban in a better light than the Indians. We need to stop playing both sides of the coin on India and Pakistan and just ally ourselves – clearly – with both instead of just breaking promises and half-assing it with both. Half-assing it seems to be our favored tactic with everything lately – just look at the way we have been doing it in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Onager
Where is Sam Damon?
The administration’s talking about how they want to help India and Pakistan continue their peace process as a prerequisite for moving Pakistani military attention westward. One guess why there aren’t talks yet is because the Indians won’t be finished with their general election until mid-May.