Let’s widen the aperture a bit. This contention was a subject of debate in the White House on Wednesday, according to the Wall Street Journal:
Mr. Obama, in a cabinet-level meeting on Wednesday, pressed his military commanders over whether the Taliban still has close ties to al Qaeda and whether the international terrorist group would continue to have a haven should the Taliban regain control of parts of the country, according to a senior administration official.
"There are people over there that think that there’s a rift between the Taliban and al Qaeda," said a senior military official. "The logic is that since the Taliban once owned Afghanistan, and got kicked out of Afghanistan, they’re not likely to make the same mistake twice."
But the official added that "it’s a small number of people who think that," and that most officials involved in the debate are convinced that the Taliban "will at least be complicit in allowing al Qaeda back in" if they regain control.
As I wrote last week, it’s a great question and ought to be thoroughly debated. But does it go far enough? Let’s say the Taliban comes back into power in Afghanistan and, for one reason or another, al-Qaeda doesn’t follow Mullah Omar across the border. Would that be sufficient for the protection of U.S. interests in Afghanistan against al-Qaeda? Or would there be additional considerations: the loss of an Afghan staging ground to harass or contain al-Qaeda in Pakistan; the prospect of money, material and resources trafficking across the border to the Pakistani tribal areas; and other elements that would constitute Afghanistan providing not safehaven for al-Qaeda, strictly speaking, but strategic depth?
I’m not saying I know this would happen. I don’t know that it would. Much depends on the circumstances under which the Taliban returns to power. (A power-sharing deal; an element of reconciliation; outright victory; etc.) These are questions that need to be studied, not off-the-shelf answers just out of reach of the debate. There are good questions being asked of what "safe haven" really entails, and to the pot let’s add the concept of strategic depth.
Update: An excellent follow-on observation from Matthew Yglesias:
You don’t need Kabul to be able to provide a safe haven. Nor do you need the majority of Afghanistan. Afghanistan’s almost as big as Texas; you could presumably fit a safe haven into a rather small fraction of the country.
Yes, absolutely, it’s not a binary. That sharpens the point considerably, and begs the question of the degree to which, under the above framework, al-Qaeda has that strategic depth right now. If so, that means the clear-and-hold counterinsurgency effort really is directly related to the counterterrorism goal all sides in the debate endorse. If not, it calls into question the entire purpose of the enterprise.



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You can’t really consider all that unless you’re being honest about how deep connections between the Afghan Taliban and the Pak military/ISI run, can you?
Regards, Steve
The other question that’s rarely considered is whether a pro-Western Afghan government will be able to deny Al-Qaeda safe havens. Afghanistan is a big, sparsely-populated country, and most A-Q “facilities” these days are small, isolated structures.
Cruickshank — a supporter of the “safe haven” argument — described them as “much smaller — sometimes just mountain shacks — and consequently much more difficult to target, even with Predator drones.”
What are the odds that the Afghan government, likely to be under-resourced for many years, will be able to exercise such effective control over its territory that A-Q won’t be able to set up shop in isolated areas? Slim, I’d say.
Even if this was known with certainty, would Obama be willing to say so? Because he’d be saying what many already believe, that there is no inherent US security interest served by fighting the “Taliban” insurgents in Afghanistan.
All our stated goals are disrupting, defeating and destroying al Quaeda, which is a goal that virtually no one is resistant to pursuing. If we could get our minds and political agenda wrapped around a clear understanding that the Afghan insurgency is not our problem, because it has no real bearing on American national security, then we could actually address the al Quaeda problem constructively.
That said, the “safe haven” argument is disingenuous on it’s face, for the two obvious and oft-discussed reasons:
1. There will always be places that will provide safe havens, not just for al Quaeda but also for other organizations with ill intent towards the US and her interests. In fact, an argument can be made that, as safe havens go, Afghanistan by dint of it’s remoteness and poverty is probably about the least effective safe haven they might find, and if you deny it to them, be careful what you wish for, they might end up with a safe haven in Mexico, or Yemen, or somewhere else we’re not even thinking about right now.
2. For an organization like al Quaeda, a “safe haven” can be a mosque in London, an apartment in Hamburg or a flight school in Arizona. The only thing they required in a safe haven that they could get in Afghanistan was room for training camps. Well, here’s the news. There are now, as of today, a WHOLE BUNCH of al Quaeda sympathetic jihadis with both training and combat experience, thanks to American operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Hell, they may very well have as many active duty experienced non-coms as we do…
mikey
Who exactly denies that?
Excellent point.
Don’t you think this recognition is implicit in the on-again-off-again urge to seek ‘reconciliation’ with elements of the Taliban-led syndicate?
Well, the Pakistani government does for a start. They’ve just announced they’ll formally protest about the US envoy making the Quetta connection so explicitly, for instance. And Pakistanis tell me that the military now has an iron grip on the ISI. Yet US lawmakers, journolists and think-tankers continue to talk about “ISI elements” as if there was a minor problem rather than a Pakistani whole-government policy of saying one thing while doing another. Which calls into question how much aid such as Kerry-Lugar is predicated on at least a partial burying of heads in the sand. But it also calls into question America’s ability to dismantle AQ’s strategic depth in Pakistan if the US is dependent on the will of an ally that isn’t really an ally (for good geopolitical reasons no amount of aid or glad-handing of Pakistan alone can overcome).
Regards, Steve
You’d sure like to think so. But virtually the entire American effort in Afghanistan is arrayed against the “taliban” insurgents fighting either the Karzai government, the US/NATO foreign forces or both. So while our government gravely announces our strategy is to destroy al Quaeda, we actually do very little al Quaeda fighting and a whole lot of Taliban fighting/Karzai Government supporting. It’s like the woman who lost an earring in the car, but is looking for it in her living room. When asked why, she replied “because the light’s better up here”….