My friend A.J. Rossmiller, a former intelligence analyst in Iraq, has an excellent piece in TNR today about Afghanistan. He makes a lot of good points, but this is my favorite, as it puts real stress on Gen. McChrystal’s assertion in his assessment that the next 12-18 months will be “decisive”:
To be at a “critical juncture” implies that one side or the other is poised to decisively gain the upper hand and therefore to win. But the situation in Afghanistan is almost the exact opposite of that. I will likely have my pundit card revoked for saying so–nothing diverts attention like saying that a situation isn’t at a critical turning point–but it’s true. After eight years of fighting, two things seem clear: First, the insurgency does not have the capability to defeat U.S. forces or depose Afghanistan’s central government; and, second, U.S. forces do not have the ability to vanquish the insurgency. It’s true that the Taliban has gained ground in recent months, but, absent a full and immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops, it cannot retake sovereign control. This is not to say that Afghanistan isn’t unstable; it clearly is. That has been the case for eight years, however, and, in the absence of some shocking, unforeseen development, it could be true for another eight or 18 or 80 years. An increase of tens of thousands of troops will not change that fact, nor will subtle tactical changes. Rather than teetering on the edge of some imagined precipice, the situation in Afghanistan is at a virtual stalemate.
The man’s bottom line is that some form of political accommodation with Taliban elements is inevitable, and offers the only way out of the stalemate, so we may as Do It Right. I have to say I find that the weakest part of the piece — not the substantive conclusion, but the punting on what Do It Right will require. There isn’t much disagreement, either within the Obama administration or the Afghan government or McChrystal’s command (“… ISAF must be in a position to support appropriate Afghan reintegration policies”) and associated powerful think tanks. The question is why a Taliban command that feels it has the momentum would reconcile; and that leads to the problem of confronting it. I see no alternative if reconciliation is to be Done Right.
For an example of what it can’t be, a couple weeks ago Yglesias and I were shooting the breeze at the bar and he mentioned that it doesn’t make any sense to kick the hell out of the Taliban in a given province and then offer it to them at the end of the campaign; or, put differently, it doesn’t make any sense to offer the Taliban what it already has. And that’s true. The choices at hand would have to be something like (1) beating the shit out of the Taliban until it’s willing to accept a powersharing deal in Province X in exchange for laying down arms; and/or (2) holding out the hope of national powersharing in exchange for laying down arms and/or breaking with al-Q.
Can this be achieved? I don’t know. McChrystal says it can, and that the path to it runs through fighting them while splitting their “syndicate” — taking their soldiers off the battlefield through economic incentives like jobs or bribes (my word, not his). But I do note that in the awesome Frontline documentary on Afghanistan set to air tonight, McChrystal’s operations director says this is how the U.S. involvement in Afghanistan will end:
We’re going to leave here under shades of gray. We’ll have stability — at least reasonable stability. We’ll have a firm understanding that more has to be done. But in the end, you’ll have an Afghan solution to an Afghan problem. And that’ll be good enough.



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Rossmiller:
Ackerman:
Now it’s not clear, perhaps you don’t agree with that Rossmiller quote, but you did call it your “favorite”.
If you accept the premise that, in spite of their recent gains and increases in strength, the Afghan Insurgency cannot achieve their goals as long as the US is there then that is a compelling reason NOT to go balls to the wall to fight them. They have achieved enough to realize they cannot take the next step as long as the US has a military presence in theater. This leaves them with the option of just waiting, or seeking to leverage their current strengths to advance their agenda.
So unless they believe they can actually win the fight, or that continued US and NATO combat operations will continue to advance the Insurgency, then they have every reason in the world to discuss political power-sharing in exchange for a cease fire….
mikey
A coupla things on that point. First, my “favorite” point of Alex’s is what follows that quote — that the current moment we’re in doesn’t really augur a this-is-the-critical-moment moment. So I don’t think my points are as contradictory as it seems when stripping Alex’s point to that one sentence.
Furthermore, the Taliban’s objective prospects of “defeating” the US matters less than their very justified sense that they have, over the last several years, come back from the dead to take and hold territory away from the Afghan government. That’s what they “realize.” If they were to simply say tomorrow, “Holy shit, we can’t win this thing!” then they’d sue for peace, provided we gave them some indication that they wouldn’t be subjugated in a post-insurgency situation. The fact that they haven’t done that is fair inferential evidence that they haven’t come to any such realization.
Now, if they can be made to see that they have more to gain through negotiations than they do through fighting, that’s a much different story. How you get there is a big question. But there’s no evidence that we’re there now. We might think the Taliban ought to see that, but we’re not the audience that matters.
You know, I read this post over my morning coffee, Rossmiller’s over my bagel, and this guest post over at Ricks on the second cup of coffee; and after a couple hours digesting it, I’m still on the damn fence.
I agree in principle with what you’re saying here, but I guess I’m just not entirely convinced that reconciliation will actually, necessarily work in the interests of US national security or in the interests of the Afghan citizenry. It’s a way to get out faster; but I’m not sure it’s the best way to leave.
I’d be interested in you teasing the point out.
Point duly teased. It got a little long. It’s all that book learnin’, I guess.