I actually find Max Boot to be a pretty insightful conservative these days — maybe more on that in a later post — but this just made me LOL and LOL harder, as if on LOLerskates.
It’s a little odd to see Tom Friedman, normally the high priest of globalism, in a lather about the use of contractors in Afghanistan and Iraq. Aren’t firms like KBR, DynCorp, Triple Canopy, and Blackwater models of the kind of entrepreneurial firms he normally trumpets if they’re producing widgets or microchips?
I’m pretty sure that widget and microchip manufacturers don’t occasionally shoot fleeing civilians in the back or open fire at them on the road. Nor do they get involved in exploitative prostitution schemes. You know, typically.
(Actually, to step on my joke, Boot concludes his post with this reasonable bit: “[Mercenaries] need a regulatory and legal framework that more closely integrates their operations with our military forces in the field and that holds them to account for wrongdoings. Working to design such a framework is a lot more useful than simply bemoaning the contractors’ existence — or poking our allies in the eye while you’re doing it.” That doesn’t actually unlock the inherently problematic nature of having combatants in a theater who do not fall under the authority of a U.S. commander — not even the contracts themselves force private security firms to embrace a population-protection mission, and so unity of effort gets bollicksed up — but, you know, it’s not a bad sentiment.)
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You might want to unpack this one a bit: “combatants in the field who do not fall under the authority of a U.S. commander.”
A lot of the private security contractors, notably including Armorgroup’s guarding of the U.S. embassy and Blackwater’s protection of dignitaries are not working for the military, they’re working for the State department. So it would be possible to convert those jobs in-house without resolving the unity of effort issue.
(Relatedly, there’s also combatants working for the local government and also private security contractors working for them. There’s also talk that of oil sector companies hiring private security as the U.S. withdrawals, which is a whole different ballgame.)
Anyhow, there’s definitely problems here, but the unity of effort issue would still be there if all State and US Aid security were brought in-house tomorrow.
Addendum: One alternative would be to have the military take over security for civilians in the field. I haven’t actually studied the decision making process here, but I’m not sure the military would be excited by that idea and I think the civilian agencies would be loathe to need a hall pass from the DoD every time they venture out into a conflict zone.
Further addendum: I do need to do some research on how other countries handle this. There’s got to be better models than ours. That said, this situation arose in part because non-combatant status no longer seems to provide much of any protection. I’m not sure to what extent that’s a result of the end of front-lines or changes in norms.
Max Boot is an ass.
“Friedman claims we don’t have a “true global alliance” in Afghanistan, even though the military mission is being run by NATO with the participation of 41 nations that have ponied up well over 30,000 troops, not counting the American contingent.”
It isn’t a global alliance of 41 nations. There’s about 10 nations that make up the overwhelming majority of troops, and the other 31 are minor players who rarely if ever go out beyond the wire. And his comments about contractors are ridiculous – if the mercenaries followed the rules, all would be well, BUT THEY DON’T. He hasn’t had a correct thought since… I don’t know when.
see comment below…
The primary point of this argument and it is one which Boot states is that if you want a different situation you
So what’s it going to be?